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The second thing we can do is to ask ourselves, thinking back over the discussion in this book: what are the implications for the struc¬tures of governance generally? For national governments the needs are both structural and political. The institutional structures of the state have to be modified so that they are perceived to be doing the job that national governments now must do in an effective way. That job is to maintain the public peace, organize the context of everyday life at the local level and provide for education. It is also to arrange the local economic environment so that the maximum advantage can he reaped, particularly in terms of employment, from global flows of investment. Thus it is additionally the, job of national governments to arrange the representation of the state, in common with all others, where decisions are made which alter or change the pace of global developments. Such developments are likely to be economic, financial, environmental, medical or military, and they will impact on each other. And because they are global in scope and operate across states rather than between them, they will be both internal and external at the same time. In structural terms, this means altering national administrative systems so that none has singular responsibility for policy in any one area, since the impact is general, and all can cooperate at all levels. The familiar arrangement of essentially single subject ministries or departments is already breaking down, though the weight of tradition makes it a slow process. In Europe, the British government of the late 1990s was already talking about what it termed 'joined up government' in response to this need, and in doing so was showing signs of want¬ing to make a closer relationship between what government could actually effectively do and the machinery for doing it. But reconstructing government administration on the basis of a clear-eyed assessment of its remaining and new responsibilities has to go further. Governments have naturally always taken account of the views and needs of non-governmental actors within their societies but have generally done so and still may do so, from the commanding heights of the administrative system. This is no longer effective, particularly in the context of the globalized economy and the flows of global investment. Policy and decisions required to implement a government's duty to achieve the best possible economic environment in which to realize the most favorable rela¬tionship with the global economy can only be arrived at through a complex mix of private and public, global, central and local author¬ities. Compared with the past, a heavily diluted, that is inclusive, system of economic management will need to be instituted and many formerly distinct lines and boundaries between public and private will become blurred.
The only way of achieving an appropriate administrative structure will be to reassess what it is that governments are expected to do. It will have to be assessed from the bottom up rather than by review¬ing existing functions from the top down. Thus the question as to how, say, a foreign ministry might be reformed so that it functions better in the contemporary global environment tends to lead to a discussion about what different things the existing machinery should be asked to do, perhaps also what it no longer should be asked to do. The proper question to ask concerns what relationships are required with other entities and then try to plan how best to manage them. In the same way, asking what the economic responsi¬bilities of a government are and how they relate to other entities is required before deciding how to fulfill them; similarly with social and environmental issues. What emerges when basic requirements are discussed in this way is usually that the administrative system must be constructed more as a fiat plate than as hart of a rising pyra¬mid. Managing economic affairs has to bring together private and public